Any proper evaluation of the political and economic events of 2005 needs to start with the recognition that there were certain things Thabo Mbeki and his government got right. There are, as always, problems - as the FM has consistently pointed out. There was, however, no abject collapse of leadership.
Easy gains have been sacrificed to lay the foundation for a thriving economy, though jobs do not come quickly enough.
Despite the fact that the ANC represents the poorer section of the population - notwithstanding the jaundiced views of the dissidents - Mbeki has resisted the temptation of throwing money at the problem, spending his way out of trouble. Instead of this short-term expedient, he has been prudent in allocating resources: we are not afflicted by fantasy economics.
The result is an end-of-year buoyancy. Growth could approach 5% in 2005 - unthinkable five years ago - and about 200 000 jobs have been created since the beginning of the year, though this has not offset the 1m jobs lost in the first nine years of democracy and the continual fall in agricultural employment. Nonetheless, many have become richer, not poorer. SA is not a basket case.
Emerging from an inequitable history, SA faces the daunting challenge of bringing opportunity to the disadvantaged. A simple and convenient solution for those in power would be to take from the rich and give to the poor, dividing up the cake. But increasing the cake is the right course.
It is also of significance that good governance has become part of the nation's mantra - which is why the dismissal of Jacob Zuma from government by Mbeki sent an important message that corruption must be extirpated.
Zuma's dismissal must rank as perhaps Mbeki's high political watermark to date - not only for the action itself, but, far more important, for the reasons given for the sacking. Mbeki's speech during a joint sitting of parliament - read together with Judge Hilary Squires' judgment in the Schabir Shaik trial - provides a classic guide to the conduct of public officials, and is required reading for those keen to avoid the temptations of corruption.
There is another side to the tale. Though Mbeki has spoken and written extensively against corrupt practices in the public sector, and has even urged voters not to elect unworthy individuals, especially in local government, he has failed to make the campaign a government crusade with state resources.
In consequence, there is little enthusiasm from his ministers and government, and these over-arching formations - crucial to social stability - have fallen victim to the partisan politics of the ANC. And so Mbeki's campaign has therefore been seen by Zuma supporters as yet another attack on their hero.
There is also an urgent need to review the unintended consequences of transformation - especially at local government level, where discontents are flaring in advance of next year's elections. Many councillors and officials owe their lucrative jobs to a combination of regional power politics or to the satisfying of equity imperatives in the workplace, rather than to an earnest search for the appropriate skills for the task. Local government is at the rock face of service delivery: here all government promises are ultimately met, or fail. Lack of skill can be more damaging than getting a person with the "wrong" colour, damaging education, social benefits, and health.
Though the economy is doing well, it would have done much better had it not been for the lack of skills. Our education system, a decade after 1994, has yet to be sorted out; white skills have been lost to the public sector because of real or perceived transformation fears or requirements.
In short, the de skilling process is the economy's soft underbelly, and we need to do whatever it takes to attract skilled people back into productive work and into the country. The place to start is to lure retired skilled personnel back to the public sector. Ministerial speeches alone won't do: we need a plan on how every director-general plans to effect this, and they should be held accountable for their success or failure - it should be an integral part of their performance appraisal.
The other option is one that government has already embarked upon - attracting skilled people from abroad. That should be accelerated, along with transparency about why it has become essential if the economy is to thrive further.
Unquestionably, a working public service as a whole should be integral to such an enhancement of economic achievement. Appointing the "wrong" colour in the public service probably inconveniences an individual; but appointing the "wrong" skill inconveniences an entire community. A community does not care about the colour of the person installing a tap as long as it has access to clean water. This is a debate fraught with all sorts of sensitivities, but it's a nettle we will have to grasp.
The debate - which is essentially over how to maximise available and potential resources rather than feather-bedding the incompetent or lazy - speaks to both our fears and our hopes. Properly handled it can lead to the resolution of many of our intractable problems. The core question to ask is: what is it that we want to achieve as a country? If a better life for all is the answer, then everything should be done, all barriers and hurdles removed for us to achieve such a goal.
What may have appeared to be a solution a decade ago could well have turned into a hindrance. The trick is not to be dogmatic about things, but to learn from our mistakes. Some things will need tweaking; others wholesale clearing out.
Sydney Mufamadi has hinted at reviewing the provincial government setup. This is a thorny issue with many disparate communities - and has led to violent protests in North West, Mpumalanga and Gauteng, with entire settlements refusing to be incorporated into this, that, or the other province. Yet the current structure is cumbersome. Reform is essential.
According to the auditor-general, most of the budget allocations to provinces have been misused, misspent, or not spent at all. But tinkering with provincial boundaries won't begin to address the problem. At the core of people's concerns is the fact that their grievances aren't being heard. The electoral system doesn't allow for this; and voters cannot hold the politicians accountable. Violence then becomes the last resort.
The electoral system needs a serious review. Government must return to the report of the task team headed by Frederik Van Zyl Slabbert and act on its recommendations. A resolution that comprises both the proportional representation system and a constituency-based approach is not beyond our ingenuity.
Two facts give hope that solutions can be found. The first is that the turmoil in the ruling party has not adversely affected the economy. And the second is that business trusts Mbeki - partly because it has engaged with him at high levels, and evidently trusts his underlying faith that the centre will hold. This faith will again be severely tested in 2006.
